My piece for Development in Action on the Khmer Rouge Trial.
You can read the original piece here.
On 7 July 2015 International Co-Investigating Judge Mark Harmon became the fourth international judge to resign from the Khmer Rouge Tribunal in Cambodia. The Tribunal is investigating the role played by former Khmer Rouge officials in systematic violations of international law, including genocide and crimes against humanity.
In a statement Mr Harmon stressed that his reasons for stepping down were “strictly personal” but in a case dogged by corruption and cries of foul play this assertion cannot be taken at face value. Indeed local police have recently refused to act on an arrest warrant issued by Harmon against suspect Meas Muth charged with crimes against humanity.
Once upon a time the war crimes tribunal in
Cambodia was compared loftily to the Nuremberg Trials of the Nazi top brass,
but today, 9 years and a mere 3 convictions later the UN backed court has
descended into farce. The Cambodian Government of Prime Minister Hun Sen,
himself a former Khmer Rouge recruit is keen to silence the trials as he fears
Cambodia would descend into anarchy.
Hun Sen is perhaps genuinely keen to avoid
the opening up of old wounds but many have noted it is the fear that many
within Hun Sen’s who previously belonged to the Khmer Rouge could be implicated
in proceeding. It is worth noting that Mr Hun Sen, who has been in power for 27
years has previously issued apocalyptic warnings that if he were to die or be
beaten at the ballot box (a fate not likely) the country would be plunged into
a bloody civil war.
Despite Hun Sen’s stark warnings the real
Cambodian Civil War occurred between 1967 and 1975 and brought to power the
genocidal government of Pol Pot, which went on to kill a quarter of the country
through a policy of displacement, starvation, torture and execution.
The tragedy of the current court debacle is
that there is widespread domestic appetite for substantive trials to take place
and an international guarantor in the form of the UN ready and willing to
assist in the deliverance of justice.
In South Africa, after the fall of
apartheid the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) was set up to shine a
light into the horrors of white minority rule. Victims were able to give
harrowing testimonies of the violence and discrimination meted out and had the
opportunity to address the perpetrators in person. Despite the TRC failing to
properly recompense victims and victim’s families it was still generally seen
as a positive step towards national forgiveness.
Again, after the genocide in Rwanda where
between 500,000-1,000,000 were killed in just 100 days with machetes and garden
tools, there was a process of popular justice and reconciliation. Like South
Africa the Rwandan process has not inflamed grievances but rather eroded them. Although
like in South Africa there has also been a distinctive lack of financial
compensation and restitution.
What is clear is that a legal process where
justice is seen to be done can have a role in healing societal division. That’s
not to say it is a solution in itself- justice in the courts should work in
conjunction with a policy which ensures economic justice as well. It is the
economic aspect which the newly democratic South Africa failed to address and
as such there has been no land redistribution and many of the systematised
advantages that whites enjoyed under apartheid remain to this day. This is not
an argument for a “pact of forgetting” policy as pursued by Spain and advocated
by the Cambodian regime but rather a blueprint for the construction of a better
resolution.
The problem in Cambodia is that, Sen’s government
which is littered with former Khmer officials, would be happy to see the UN
pack up and leave. In the negotiations which set up the court Kofi Annan, then General Secretary of the UN pushed for an international court free from the
interferences of Cambodian politicians. The compromise was a hybrid court-
composed of both international and Cambodia judges. This has left the Cambodian Government with
the with free reign to pressure and influence proceedings.
Despite the international community’s
relative inability to guide the proceedings without infringing on Cambodia’s
sovereignty we can still ensure the state’s financial reparations program is
fully funded. Reparations are of course not just about financial payments and a
recent announcement by the government which commits it to a national
commemoration day and the inclusion of Khmer Rouge atrocities in the education
curriculum is of course to be welcomed.
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